ROs do not provide a credible alternative to the UN because the advantages are far outstripped by serious financial, logistical, and political obstacles they face.
China and Angola illustrate that the geopolitics of energy adversely affect the prospects for development and democracy in energy-exporting states.
Chabal and Daloz argue that neopatrimonialism is central to African politics, the political culture of Africa being inherently different to that of the Western states.
The media’s overwhelming focus on negative events in the South maintains the colonial binaries of our civilisation and their backwardness.
There is no escaping the correlation between resource abundance and poor economic performance. The resource curse is political and brought on by poor policy decisions.
Britain often had little choice but to concede that the constitutional independence of its dependencies was inescapable.
It is crucial to sustainable peace that elections are not seen as opportunities to engage in hostile takeovers, but instead allow for peaceful power transitions.
Addressing Kofi Annan’s question in traditional Liberal terms is but one way, of many, to phrase the Responsibility to Protect debate.
UN Resolution 1325, although not yet a complete success, can and should be used as a starting point to work for gender equity and towards a violence-free world.
The International Contact Group on Piracy Off the Coast of Somalia (CGPCS) is considered a successful example of global governance of maritime policy.
The democratisation strategy of the EU in Morocco and Azerbaijan favours the stability of existing power structures and has therefore been largely ineffective.
While it may seem that the Ebola crisis of 2014 has subsided, it is still ongoing in various African countries and has become unprecedented in a variety of ways.