The goals of Pan-Africanism are in direct opposition to the global socio-political system, where structural conditions of rule currently facilitate exploitation.
The foreign investor gains land ownership to produce and export food and biofuels while Ethiopia gains foreign capital necessary to boost its fragile economy.
Globalization and neoliberal economic policy must be considered separately, for there is neither evidence of their correlation nor of a global transition to the latter.
IMF- and World Bank-led debt relief was implemented to benefit the world capitalist system despite violating human rights throughout the Global South.
New guidelines for determining the applicability of international humanitarian law to United Nations peace operations are both necessary and urgent.
From a well-meaning attempt at humanitarian action following the crises of the 1990s, the Responsibility to Protect has nevertheless become a vehicle for self-interest.
While neopatrimonialism has been a constant in politics in African states in recent years, its form and content is constantly changing and evolving.
While their natural aspects and influences should not be disregarded, famine and starvation must be viewed primarily as a breakdown in social and political systems.
Structural Adjustment Policies were, rather than effective engines for economic development, in fact an smokescreen for the promotion and spread of global capitalism.
Due to unrealistic expectations associated with ‘thick’ reconciliation, ‘thin’ reconciliation offers practical realities and moral intent in post-conflict scenarios.
While an important source of aid in achieving local development, short-term volunteering is more suited to the volunteer than to the host community.
For secession, the balance of rights, despite a shift towards a more ‘liberal’ international law in recent years, should remain in the favour of (just) sovereign states.