The policy of forcing women to pick between the role of ‘victim’ or ‘soldier’ has denied justice, agency, and rehabilitation to women in post-conflict societies.
Soft power, unless blended appropriately with hard power, cannot insert influence in international relations and serve as an effective diplomatic tool.
Nonviolent action can simultaneously be pragmatic in its power to achieve the desired goal and principled by being rooted initially in morality.
Despite the centrality of violence to Fanon’s theses on decolonisation, he recognises the dangers, physical and psychological, of violence without a cause.
Non-state armed groups who receive fungible resources, such as funding or weapons, are more likely to experience interrebel fighting and less likely to be in an alliance.
War should be understood within the context where unjust power structures have created deep rooted social and political grievances which are driving the war.
Regionalism is an oft-discussed theme in relations between African states, but ideological differences and an inability to find agreement remain challenges.
‘Humanitarian military intervention’ is critiqued as a de-politicizing discourse, with four proposals for re-politicization suggested.
Globalization tends to work to the detriment of developing states and has been a powerful tool employed by Northern states with a recent proliferation of modern players.
Through the lens of Kwame Nkrumah, current regional unification efforts by the African Development Bank and the African Union are shown to perpetuate neo-colonialism.
Looking at the example of France and Tunisia, past interference in the political and social life of a country should be considered as a criteria of assessing immigration.
The BRICs have been portrayed as a new paradigm threatening the contemporary liberal world order. Yet, there is also disagreement and competition between BRICs states.
The last colony in Africa, Western Sahara has been locked in a protracted struggle for independence for over forty years.