Neorealism’s balance of threat framework and neoliberalism’s focus on issue linkages are still relevant tools to explain NATO’s current involvement in the refugee crisis.
The European Common Security and Defence Policy has not led to popular support for a ‘European Army’, however it offers potential civilian forms of security.
Overproducing food, while allowing for food security, also disrupt world markets as well as causes immense environmental damage to soil and water supplies.
Russia’s attempt to use soft power in foreign policy is both counter-hegemonic and oriented toward promoting a regional, Russo-centric hegemonic order.
The Medvedev-Sarkozy plan failed to establish a lasting peace due to its deterministic nature. A constructivist approach might help change the attitudes of rival parties.
The ‘State of Exception’ is a reaction to threats against government and society, but this ‘state’ is also a threat to minorities, as seen in France and Pakistan.
‘Strategy’ is a concept Western powers have struggled to define throughout history, and never truly owned. The 2003 Iraq War was a clear embodiment of this struggle.
The inescapability of Whig history lies not in the irreversibility of the European project but in the political necessity of its narrative construction.
Soft power, unless blended appropriately with hard power, cannot insert influence in international relations and serve as an effective diplomatic tool.
The publication of TiSA’s negotiating mandate represents an effort to increase transparency, used by negotiators as a stepping stone towards expanding the EU’s win-set.
Fragile national identities can become embodied and even dependent upon flags, and flags will continue to be a major stumbling block to desecuritisation.
The historical context, political landscape, and security environments have advanced/constrained the development of a EU defense policy and potential EU army.