The movements of 2011 were motivated by multiple grievances, but the common underlying factors were socioeconomic grievances and a rejection of the neoliberal program.
Rapidly rising international food prices caused the urban middle class to experience acute food insecurity, which is linked to the unrest resulting in the Arab Spring.
Economic sanctions fail in most of their major ambitions, and their ethical justifications are based on a distorted form of consequentialist ethics.
Deterrence theory is not compelling when applied to Iran and the Middle East: an Iranian nuclear weapon would destabilize the region and lead to proliferation and war.
Continued democracy in Pakistan is a consequence of the military deciding not to intervene, as they believe they can wield power over the weak civilian government.
Taking Turkey and Egypt as two conflicting examples, the issue of whether the state precedes the nation is illuminated in its multi-varied and complex nature.
Greater flexibility, vulnerability, and uncertainty differentiate constitutional supremacy in non-Western countries such as Turkey and India from Western nations.
The profane demands of Arab postmodernity did not reject the general idea of modernisation; they safeguarded a universal sense of amelioration and emancipation.
The disjuncture between kinetic elements of American COIN doctrine and the nation-building mission inherent to ‘new’ conflicts lies at the root of ongoing difficulties.
The synergistic interaction between the ‘Anbar Awakening’ of 2006 and the surge of 2007 paved the way for U.S. withdrawal at the expense of a long term, stable, Iraq.
The strategies employed by the Bush administration after 9/11 to manufacture public consent for action have since been recontextualised towards Iran by Barack Obama.
Although the networked structures of new social movements represent a shift from the hierarchical and centralised forms of previous models, they are not unprecedented.