Continued democracy in Pakistan is a consequence of the military deciding not to intervene, as they believe they can wield power over the weak civilian government.
Taking Turkey and Egypt as two conflicting examples, the issue of whether the state precedes the nation is illuminated in its multi-varied and complex nature.
Greater flexibility, vulnerability, and uncertainty differentiate constitutional supremacy in non-Western countries such as Turkey and India from Western nations.
The profane demands of Arab postmodernity did not reject the general idea of modernisation; they safeguarded a universal sense of amelioration and emancipation.
The disjuncture between kinetic elements of American COIN doctrine and the nation-building mission inherent to ‘new’ conflicts lies at the root of ongoing difficulties.
The synergistic interaction between the ‘Anbar Awakening’ of 2006 and the surge of 2007 paved the way for U.S. withdrawal at the expense of a long term, stable, Iraq.
The strategies employed by the Bush administration after 9/11 to manufacture public consent for action have since been recontextualised towards Iran by Barack Obama.
Although the networked structures of new social movements represent a shift from the hierarchical and centralised forms of previous models, they are not unprecedented.
The Bush administration’s invasion of Iraq was a story of neo-conservative ideas (militarism, morality, and democracy) about the role of America in the world.
Four grave risks for regional stability lurk in the wake of a nuclear Iran: regional proliferation, an ‘imbalance of terror’, an emboldened Iran, and Israel’s response.
The success of Palestinian nationalism in the context of the peace process is complicated by the variations in Orientalism which occur between different forms of Zionism.
Globalisation not only exacerbated the structural conditions that elicited the Arab revolt, but allowed for local and global actors to shape the form of this resistance.