As states’ absolute power declines and shared threats rise, the NSS becomes more important for the transition to multipolarism and coordination between disparate powers.
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The Benghazi attacks ultimately assisted in the ongoing destabilisation of post-Gaddafi Libya, and advanced multiple extremist Islamist causes.
The prescribed causal relationship between religion and violence is not only contestable but also alarmingly reductionist.
Al-Banna’s ideas of Islam’s superiority, of his conception of Islam to others, and the monopoly of the absolute truth are the first steps to judge Others as unbelievers.
Hamas’ takeover of Gaza marked a shift in the complex process of preparation for national sovereignty, especially for the Palestinian women’s movement.
Afghanistan has become a “snake country”: where loyalty can only be rented, solutions are always temporary, and the law of the stronger prevails.
The typology of Syrian rebel groups illuminates the obstacles to cooperative action, but also highlights the difficulties that might dominate the post-war Syrian state.
An evaluation of the abilities of ISIS, the Afghan Taliban prior to their ousting in 2001 and Boko Haram to engage in state-building – and what forms are ‘successful’.
Liberal values are under siege from terrorism, but questions exist concerning Eurocentric notions of terrorism and the source of supposedly illegitimate violence.
Although it exhibits certain state-like qualities, the Islamic State is rejected as an official, independent, and sovereign state under international law.
No evidence continues to exist that states’ prioritization of security interests over international norms has disrupted the institutions of the human rights regime.
The US and Iran’s past has greatly affected the nature of their relationship as each country insisted on viewing the other side from different and opposing perspectives.