In contrast to Neorealist framings, there are clear indications that intersubjective meanings and social identities shape the international system in multiple ways.
Lacking internal coherence, Mearsheimer’s theory ultimately fails to provide a logically consistent basis for the view that China’s rise will be unpeaceful.
The idea of good motives presents the most interesting critique of liberal internationalism, and can offer a path that appeases both realism and internationalism.
R2P, although a symbolic moral step for human rights, is not a sufficiently effective positive step, and is too militaristic in its approach.
While the ICC remains an important step in ending impunity for the worst crimes, its existence does not suffice to significantly change the justice of our international order.
Even if accept the premise that the balance of power is less applicable to unipolarity than to multipolarity and bipolarity, this hardly affects its relevance to our world.
An agreed definition of terrorism is needed. This definition should consider state-actors, the wider targets, and desire for behavior-motivation that underlies its motives.
To explain why states are compelled to justify their behaviour according to norms, the best approach is to interpret the issue as a process that considers all theories.
The accepted IR narrative about Westphalia is a myth: the Westphalian model has little, if anything, to do with the Peace of Westphalia from which the model derives its name.
The only humanitarian interventions that seem to be widely accepted are those authorised by the Security Council under the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.
The jus ad bellum principles show that the intervention in Libya was justified, and offers an example of how to respond to the idea of civilian protection.
Constructivism plays a vital role in EU governance, while rational choice is an ineffective research tool that can be absorbed by the broader diagnostic approach offered by constructivism.