Ultimately Carr’s realist critique of utopianism is convincing because of the limitations of realism which he himself recognises and reconciles with his conception of utopia. The strength of realism lies in exposing the weakness of utopian thought. It is also noteworthy that realism and utopianism per se can be interpreted differently and the interplay between the two suggests that each has no absolute position.
Carl Schmitt is referred to as the Thomas Hobbes of the 20th century due to his tendencies to base his philosophies of the 18th century realist. In the following essay, it will be explained how the realist philosophies of both, the more modern, and the original Thomas Hobbes hold not only similar views but also contrast on key international relations topics. Although Thomas both are classed together as realist, they are nonetheless completely dissimilar on how they define the international system
The groundbreaking theory of Security Communities proffered by Karl Deutsch and his associates in 1957 which sought to “contribute to the study of possible ways in which men some day might abolish war” was largely shunned during the decades immediately succeeding its publishing. Given that the theory is not geographically restrictive but rather qualified politically, it may be in the future, theoretically at least, applied anywhere in the world where established democracies exist.
This paper emphasises the importance of Morgenthau’s German-Jewish identity set against the particular social background in which he began to develop his thought. It seeks to highlight the impact which these factors had on the development and evolution of some important elements of Morgenthau’s work.
The efficacy and applicability of deterrence depends on the broader question of how one conceptualises and defines terrorism, and whether one deems terrorism insurmountable and ‘evil’ or recognises root causes, legitimate grievances and pathways to accommodation.
Nuclear Proliferation is both an enduring critical matter in international security and a source of heated debate amongst the various ideological schools of thought in international relations. Although specific disputes can be assessed based upon which one is side is more effective with their argument, the general debate is much more ambiguous.
Despite being theorised during the Cold War, deterrence continues to play a central role in informing the state’s military and judicial responses. Nevertheless, while denial and punishment strategies may yield short-term benefits, such policies have proven unable to remedy the issue of terrorism in the longer term. Only by engaging with the socio-political contexts from which terrorism emerges and draws its support can counter-terrorism effectively seek to prevent terrorism.
This essay will focus on the science-fiction ‘Halo’ series of video games to show how mediation, remediation, and hypermediation has significant political, ethical and moral influences on its audience in relation to the War on Terror. Botler and Grusin’s ‘Remediation: Understanding New Media’ will be drawn upon to describe how this colourful, futuristic ‘space opera’ depicting an interstellar conflict for the fate of humanity has a constructive role in creating a post-9/11 American identity and morality.
If we can permit the possibility that individuals may seek to re-secure their instrumental and normative concerns outside of their existing political, economic and social context, securing their identity in the future rather than the past, then we cannot deny the promise of the rational choice framework for understanding and action. Identities need not be assumed or inter-subjectively constructed; they may simply be made of our dreams and convictions.
In a world where the concepts of Globalisation and Regionalism both seem to gain more and more power, it was only a matter of time until the relationship between those two seemingly contradictory processes would become the issue of discussion. What Andrew Hurrell has called the “one world/many worlds relationship” has now become the subject of great academic interest and debate.
Examining public EU attitudes is so complex because of the diverse sources of the EU public opinion and the incomplete structure of the EU itself. There is no European polity, no holistic conception of what it means to be a European citizen and no European-level social culture.
Ethno-nationalism has become a potent force in international and domestic politics. Gradually, norms have developed favouring a right of self determination for national groups seeking self-government.