The Bush administration’s intention to swoop down from the sky, finish off a regime, pull back and reload the shotgun ready for the next target stalled as Iraq took far longer and was far more complex than was anticipated.
Ultimately Carr’s realist critique of utopianism is convincing because of the limitations of realism which he himself recognises and reconciles with his conception of utopia. The strength of realism lies in exposing the weakness of utopian thought. It is also noteworthy that realism and utopianism per se can be interpreted differently and the interplay between the two suggests that each has no absolute position.
Carl Schmitt is referred to as the Thomas Hobbes of the 20th century due to his tendencies to base his philosophies of the 18th century realist. In the following essay, it will be explained how the realist philosophies of both, the more modern, and the original Thomas Hobbes hold not only similar views but also contrast on key international relations topics. Although Thomas both are classed together as realist, they are nonetheless completely dissimilar on how they define the international system
International law is colonial in the sense that by ceding sovereignty to be governed by law, sovereigns are being colonised by the western, primarily, European legal system. Post-modern critiques of international law hold a lot in common with classical realist arguments. They maintain that if international law is not law, in that one has the choice to subscribe to it. It is not international morality, as morality is a societal construct. Then law is merely an aspect of politics which can be manipulated to one’s self-interest and politics.
The origins of the Cold War cannot be fully understood through simplistic, monochromatic interpretations. Consequently, traditionalist and revisionist interpretations are inadequate as explanatory tools, but act as the foundation for more complex interpretations. No master narrative on the origins of the Cold War exists. However, the complementary application of a post-revisionist and constructivist approach provide us with a deeper understanding
The groundbreaking theory of Security Communities proffered by Karl Deutsch and his associates in 1957 which sought to “contribute to the study of possible ways in which men some day might abolish war” was largely shunned during the decades immediately succeeding its publishing. Given that the theory is not geographically restrictive but rather qualified politically, it may be in the future, theoretically at least, applied anywhere in the world where established democracies exist.
This paper emphasises the importance of Morgenthau’s German-Jewish identity set against the particular social background in which he began to develop his thought. It seeks to highlight the impact which these factors had on the development and evolution of some important elements of Morgenthau’s work.
The efficacy and applicability of deterrence depends on the broader question of how one conceptualises and defines terrorism, and whether one deems terrorism insurmountable and ‘evil’ or recognises root causes, legitimate grievances and pathways to accommodation.
The African, Caribbean, and Pacific states-European Union Partnership Agreement, known as the Cotonou Agreement, is a partnership in name, but arguably not in nature.
Nuclear Proliferation is both an enduring critical matter in international security and a source of heated debate amongst the various ideological schools of thought in international relations. Although specific disputes can be assessed based upon which one is side is more effective with their argument, the general debate is much more ambiguous.
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