Dealing Reform: Iranian Domestic Politics after the Nuclear Deal
The success of the US-Iran nuclear talks shows the limits of the Obama doctrine in accomplishing the kind of social change that many reformists would like to see.
The success of the US-Iran nuclear talks shows the limits of the Obama doctrine in accomplishing the kind of social change that many reformists would like to see.
The closer we get to the deadline for a final nuclear deal, its most fervent opponents will frantically flail their arms in a last ditch attempt to stay relevant.
The prospects for Iranian membership of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization are likely to improve following the Iranian election. But, the move might be costly for Iran.
The election of Hassan Rouhani gave a new lease of life to the Islamic Republic with a guarantee that its foundational structures will remain unchallenged for the years to come.
Confusion over Iran’s nuclear ambitions is generated by the apparent inconsistency of the leadership’s political rhetoric, which shapes the country’s approach to foreign policy.
The need to resort to strategic symbols like Mahdi is to some degree the result of the Persian cultural trait of ta’arof which discourages direct confrontation and criticism. Westerners, bewildered by such peculiarities, often fall back on what they know best, Iran’s foreign affairs, while overlooking the domestic aspects that fuel Iranian behavior.
The dictators, the old, the ridiculous, the venial in Iran are still telling the free, the young, the educated, the expectant how to live their lives. But the democratic awakening that began in Iran and has since reverberated across the middle east is alive, and with its eyes open. That is what really scares the elite.
Recent mutterings in the western corridors of power for an intervention in Libya are now being translated into a potential reality. Although the Iranian opposition symbolically attempts to distant itself from the outside, the regime knows that a military intervention in Libya could have serious implications for the regime in Tehran.
The recent round of crippling and comprehensive sanctions on Iran will inevitably adversely affect the government’s economic manoeuvrability, but taking their toll first and foremost on the people, the sanctions are likely to fall short of curbing the country’s nuclear activities or changing its domestic and international behaviour
Many countries use national security as the pretext for violating human rights, but why should Iran single out the Baha’is for this kind of persecution? Since President Ahmadinejad came to power in 2006, the situation has worsened for the Baha’i community in Iran. Recently, more shocking news surfaced about the demolition of houses in the province of Mazandran in the north of Iran. But this was not an isolated event. In 2007, six Baha’i houses were set on fire and more recently, almost 50 houses have been demolished.
The international community must accept Iran’s nuclear program. This is not a desirable admission, nor is it a triumph for anyone, lest the Iranians themselves who would better off fixing their faltering economy.
It is not an exaggeration to claim that since the presidential election in June 2009, the ship of the Islamic Republic has been cruising in uncharted waters. The repercussions of the election have not only proved to be politically costly but have fundamentally jeopardised the very survival of the Islamic State.
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