The decision by the United Nations to partition Palestine in 1947 was a major watershed in Middle Eastern history. Not only did it lead to the creation of the state of Israel, a Zionist aim since the eighteenth century, but it set in stone a conflict which still to this day remains unresolved.Although the decision aimed to appease both Jews and Arabs, who laid differing ideological claims to the same territory and, as James L. Ilsley stated, was the ‘best of four unattractive and difficult alternatives,’ it failed.
Whilst the EU has always looked to the future with regards to its outlook and policy directions, there can be no escaping the colonial legacy that Europe forged for itself in the period leading up to the creation of the ECSC in 1947. Special relations exist between each colonial power and its former territories. As a result, this necessitates special relations existing between the EU and former territories of its members
The sheer chaos of an era said to have required a daily calendar to catch the sense of rising tension between all the capitals makes it seem nonsensical to ascribe substantial blame to Britain. Eyebrows should rightly be raised over Britain’s non-interventionist policy on the eve of war in 1914, despite unconcealed German desires to be the main protagonist in global affairs. Which role did Britain play in the slide to war?
The economic strength of the US alone was not enough to secure victory, and the US foreign policy was frequently counter-productive. But when the disparity in economic strength was utilised by the US foreign policy it enabled the US to have a clear advantage over its enemy and negotiate from a position of strength
This essay will assess the relevance of the principles developed in On War and The Art of War to the conduct of war by International Security Assistance Forces in Afghanistan, contrasting the resilient lessons of each philosopher in modern combat. The result is solidified in the idea that war is dynamic -a dialogue that is malleable to whatever will is imposed on it-yet there are universal characteristics of war that are pervasive across time and culture.
Ultimately Carr’s realist critique of utopianism is convincing because of the limitations of realism which he himself recognises and reconciles with his conception of utopia. The strength of realism lies in exposing the weakness of utopian thought. It is also noteworthy that realism and utopianism per se can be interpreted differently and the interplay between the two suggests that each has no absolute position.
International law is colonial in the sense that by ceding sovereignty to be governed by law, sovereigns are being colonised by the western, primarily, European legal system. Post-modern critiques of international law hold a lot in common with classical realist arguments. They maintain that if international law is not law, in that one has the choice to subscribe to it. It is not international morality, as morality is a societal construct. Then law is merely an aspect of politics which can be manipulated to one’s self-interest and politics.
The origins of the Cold War cannot be fully understood through simplistic, monochromatic interpretations. Consequently, traditionalist and revisionist interpretations are inadequate as explanatory tools, but act as the foundation for more complex interpretations. No master narrative on the origins of the Cold War exists. However, the complementary application of a post-revisionist and constructivist approach provide us with a deeper understanding
The role of the European powers was crucial in the making of the Middle East system not only because they were responsible for the incongruence of land partition after the Ottoman Empire and its consequent conflicts, but also because they established very important starting points for many trans-national phenomena by aiming to incorporate the area to the global capitalist system.
Nuclear weapons increased the state’s destructive power, particularly after the development of thermonuclear weapons, with effectively no limits. With greater destructive yields and shorter delivery times courtesy of intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBM), it is commonly understood that had the cold war turned hot, it would have been the end of civilisation as we know it. But did nuclear weapons keep it cold?
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