Energy cooperation and arms sales to the Middle East have emerged as key foreign policy instruments for Russia in its attempted re-emergence as a Great Power.
The nation-state’s monopoly of violence means that the two are inextricably linked, with nationalism being the basis of political order.
Moscow’s hegemonic aspirations in Central Asia have led to a complex strategy involving dilution of American presence in the region and limited cooperation with China.
Influential stakeholders within foreign policy elites are necessary to break with existing cultural norms and push positive inducements to the top of the policy agenda.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is the best way forward for Chinese foreign policy, but the risk of competition or conflict between China and Russia remains.
The prospective claims made by Fukuyama, Mearsheimer and Huntington are insufficient to adequately describe post-Cold War international relations.
China’s economic and political rise is unlikely to be peaceful in the medium to long-term scope of US-China relations due to its pursuit of an aggressive foreign policy.
UNSCR 1325 on Women, Peace and Security offered policy recommendations that failed to make significant changes to women and girls in areas of armed conflict.
Given the evidence of NATO’s emphasis on regime change, actions taken by NATO in the Libyan intervention showcase how the intervention was not strictly humanitarian.
While Eco-Marxism successfully identifies factors that facilitate illegal gold-mining in Ghana, it struggles to provide a coherent solution to the problems it highlights.
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