Empirical and rhetorical evidence within the context of America’s prosecution of the War on Terror ultimately supports the contention that it is not over. ‘Who won?’ then becomes hypothetical.
Faced with uncertainty, risk, and insecurity, humans face a ‘knowledge problem’ and search for information that will relieve these feelings and will better handle its weak spots and holes.
Despite the US’ claims of self-defence and terrorist eradication, it can be argued that the NATO invasion of Afghanistan in October 2001 was not legal under international law.
Critically assessing the police reform in Bosnia-Herzegovina, the essay argues rather than only focusing on the regime, the reform should have considered a “bottom-up” approach.
Though commonly conceptualised as opposing poles within the international relations discourse, there is no reason why constructivism and realism could not reach converging deductions.
Politicising human rights reduces their potential to act as a standard against which regimes can be measured and affects power in the international sphere. The War on Terror is an example of this trend.
A utilitarian calculus shows that if Iraq‘s nuclear programme had even a five per cent chance of starting a regional nuclear war, the actual harm imposed upon Iraq by sanctions can be justified.
Modern Russia is a status quo power, only acting in response to NATO and US-backed actions without intent to enlarge its territorial or military influence beyond its own region.
This essay assesses the validity of the 9/11 Commission’s assertion that the teachings of Ibn Taymiyya, the 13th century Hanbali theologian, influenced al-Qaeda.
Securitising moves and speech acts performed by Slobodan Milosevic paralleled his successful attempts at securing and increasing his political power in Yugoslavia.
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