Ever since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Islam has undergone a revival among Central Asian societies. The hitherto communist and atheist states with arbitrarily imposed constraints on the freedom of worship, started referring to their religious roots as a step in national identity formation.
Viewed within the conceptual framework of Urbicide, which posits that cities have become the expressed target of military operations, the battle of Sadr City reveals the inherent objectives of counter-insurgency (COIN) theory — the annihilation of place.
The use of othering discourse and increasing threat levels encourages fear and mass hysteria in Western countries. Preconditioned as we are by Religiophobia, ethnophobia and Islamophobia, the exaggerated threat of Islamic terrorism specifically and religious terrorism generally cannot be negated until dominant stereotypes and representations are subjected to change.
After the attacks there was an automatic shift in intelligence interest from state to non-state actors. Agencies changed from gatherers into hunters, searching for any information revealing possible threat of attack. Compared to standard state targets, Al- Qaeda and other global terrorist groups were more difficult to find, target and spy on due to their mobility.
The year 1989 will remain in a global history as direct beginning of Soviet Union’s collapse which was finalized in the 1991. This year will also stay in world remembrance as a founding date of probably best known terrorist organization – Al-Qaeda. How well has US intelligence performed against this threat?
Hamas, ‘Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiyya’ (The Islamic Resistance Movement), has evolved over time from its humble beginnings as a faction of the Muslim Brotherhood, to an arguably legitimate political body, controlling much of the occupied Palestinian territories. This paper will reflect on the key factors in its development and features of the movement, and will conclude with a discussion of Hamas’ future as both an agent of armed struggle and a legitimate political body.
The end of the cold war, the terrorist attacks in New York, Washington and later in Moscow, Beslan, Madrid and London, the nuclear threats from Iran and North-Korea, the situation in the Balkans and Near East and the recent wars in Iraq and Afghanistan all have demonstrated the practical implications of conceptual changes in European security.
The difference between counter-terrorism and counter-insurgency is simple: counter-terrorism focuses more narrowly on combating the tactics and strategy of terrorism and those who employ it, while counter-insurgency is a broader category of responses to political violence carried out by minority groups, both terroristic and otherwise.
Counterinsurgency doctrine is arguably much less relevant than other means of conducting the war on terror. The military actions are the most publicised and easy to trace part of the war on terror, however, civilian organisations, internal and domestic politics and legislation can be more relevant and effective than the counterinsurgency doctrine that is being utilised in Iraq and Afghanistan today.
Terrorism is undoubtedly an issue at the forefront of security concerns, especially in the west as a result of the 9/11 attacks. But it is not a new concern. It has merely become more prominent due to the relatively recent attacks on the west and the resulting conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Is terrorism as much of a threat as it is perceived to be?
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