Securitising environmental issues can aid in combating environmental degradation, by gaining the attention of high-level decision makers and enabling mobilisation of resources towards a solution. However if the focus of security remains on the state, securitisation is likely to cause problems as well as solve them.
Despite the rising attention from politicians and the media, Islam is not a threat to French society. Rather, Islam is but one of several prominent religions in France and one that is contributing to the ever-changing French culture.
This essay explores the partial “success” of sanctions in Libya and their “failure” in the case of North Korea, before looking at the issue of integrative complexity and the current sanctions regime in Iran.
One should not attempt to apply Clausewitz’s individual theses word for word to a modern-day context, but if we succeed in finding fresh angles from which to approach the text, we can still appreciate the applicability of his methods.
Dealing with the perpetrators of mass atrocity and conflict is at the heart of questions about transitional justice and rebuilding the state following mass violence.
The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has issued 161 indictments since its establishment in 1993. But has it had a positive impact on peace and reconciliation?
Having looked at the Handbook of IR last Autumn, our first feature of 2012 weighs in on 3 of its sister volumes on Climate Change, Political Science, and Millennialism.
Both at the outset and during the course of recent military operations, commercial polling companies and academic surveys have endeavoured to record public attitudes towards conflicts. The data reveals a significant ‘gender gap’ in public opinion.
Through a comparison of oil governance in Nigeria and Canada as it relates to the two marginalized communities within these oil-wealthy countries: the Ogoni, of Rivers State in the Niger Delta and the Lubicon Cree of Northern Alberta, the main thesis of this paper argues that even in countries as different as Nigeria and Canada, once they have been stripped of factors that are external to oil production and focusing only on the most vulnerable peoples and regions, oil governance conflicts with marginalized communities through a structural violence unconvincingly justified by an economic benefit for the greater public good. In making this comparison the examination of oil governance necessarily includes three parties as identified by discourse theorists Abiodun Alao & ’Funmi Olonisakin (2000) and James Fearon (2005): the governments, the communities and the industry.
The paradox of the resource curse was that countries with natural resources performed worse than those with scarce or no resources. The controversy surrounding the thesis is whether its key claims are accurate.
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