Although democratic peace has gained various statistical and theoretical support, it can not escape from criticism. The theory should not be used as an excuse for adopting a foreign policy of forcibly conducting democratization, as the chances of success for this kind of action are highly questionable, as demonstrated in the cases of Iraq and Afghanistan.
Almost a century after its birth, IR is still in the process of defining itself. The Great Debates stimulated discussion about the essential characteristics of the discipline, and through these IR theory has undoubtedly advanced in complexity and nuance since its founding, and doubtless will continue to do so.
With the end of the Cold War, Britain’s position in world politics was ambiguous and the future direction of its foreign policy uncertain. Torn between the increasingly divergent interests of Europe and America, the familiar charge that Britain had lost an empire and was struggling to find a role seemed difficult to dismiss. In this essay, I will critically assess Labour’s attempts to define a new role for Britain in the post Cold War era.
Beliefs do matter in foreign policy as decision-making rarely conforms to demanding rational choice models. The power of ideas in international relations highlights particular human weaknesses, which might help understand a number of seemingly inexplicable decisions. Beliefs, however, are only one part of a wider framework.
America, much like most great powers, has behaved imperialistically at various times throughout its history. To some degree, it may have been a response to external events. At alternate junctures, the United States has either behaved as a ‘reluctant superpower’ or a purposeful imperial power.
The propagation of liberal economic policies by states, particularly the US, paved the way for the globalisation of finance and production which enabled Transnational Corporations (TNCs) to share power with states and other actors. States are no longer the only important actors domestically or internationally.
In short, a similar emphasis on power, the contingency of truth, and reflexivity of scientific communities lead to a shared skeptical view of unidirectional ‘progress’ in science.
Even though the clash of civilisations thesis encompasses different levels of analysis from man, civilisation, and the world at large, it concentrates on solely cultural factors. Allowing these factors to override other sectors of analysis in the discipline of international relations does not necessarily lead to enhancing our understanding of world politics.
The real issue around water basin is not the scarcity of water per se, but the fact that institutions are unable to commit to a fair distribution of this resource.
The reforms that are being made in the Global Financial Architecture (GFA) are incremental at best, and not achieving the necessary systemic change.
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