The EU could impose its model of functioning on the rest of the world, especially through its former colonies, in a quiet, latent, and cooperative manner. That historical basis, actually encompasses the imperial, colonial past of the old European states, and undoubtedly legitimizes the EU’s process of influencing the world.
The external relations of the European Union with the Arab countries of the southern bank of the Mediterranean, institutionalised initially through the Barcelona process, then the ENP and today the Union for the Mediterranean, are predicated on the twin pillars of political stability and economic integration into a liberal free trade area. The approach is both a policy and a moral failure.
Despised by Bismarck as ’not worth the life of a single German solider’’ and described by Churchill as ‘having too much history to consume’’, the region of the Western Balkans is returning to the agenda. The EU and the USA must step in and show that they are up to this ultimate test of bringing the last remaining non-EU island into the orbit of the Union and NATO.
Western Europe’s alienation from its own Byzantine roots has done much to perpetuate Cold War divisions in people’s minds, long after they have disappeared from the political map. Ideological competition is not only unnecessary, it is a dead end. Envisioning an integral Europe that includes Russia has proved to be no easy task. It can be made somewhat easier, however, by regarding it as process of mutual rediscovery
The EU builds its identity based on collaboration as an element of its ideological matrix. If not as a superpower, the EU in the 21st century, could be a medium, or a multilateral agora, which through its international Kantianism, will initiate the creation of new, and the preservation of existent multilateral organizations
Wæver claims that security is indivisible, that security on the European level equates to security on the state level. Therefore the state-level definition of security must be similar, if not the same, as the European-level definition. This mitigates the validity of his concepts. Europe may not yet be a true, or complete, referent object because state interests have to be satisfied to keep Spaceship Europe in orbit
As an emerging power, China’s role within domains of international trade, economy and politics has increased dramatically in recent years. Accompanied with the country’s increase in international weight, the Chinese currency Renminbi (RMB) has become more and more significant in international financial market. Simultaneously, the dispute over RMB’s revaluation has recently become a recurrent theme
The recent round of crippling and comprehensive sanctions on Iran will inevitably adversely affect the government’s economic manoeuvrability, but taking their toll first and foremost on the people, the sanctions are likely to fall short of curbing the country’s nuclear activities or changing its domestic and international behaviour
Greece is tiny, its economy only 3 per cent of the EU. But just as the world appeared to be clawing its way out of financial turmoil and recession, Greece reminded the markets that countries, as well as banks, can go bust. The EU has changed its poorer members less than its founders imagined. Perhaps this crisis—the most serious in the EU since its creation, according to Angela Merkel—will finally persuade Greece, and the other weaker economies, to make the reforms they have ducked since joining the euro.
From the beginning of the twentieth century France’s foreign and defence policy has been impaled on the horns of a dilemma: whether to seek a European or a transatlantic solution to her security problems. Since coming to power in 2007 Nicolas Sarkozy appears to wish to embrace both routes in equal measure. If French history is anything to go by he may not be able to sustain that position for long.
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