The successful resolution of ethnic conflict in Mali illustrates the role that civil society can play in creating mutually beneficial negotiations between armed groups.
The securitisation of sexual violence in conflict reproduces a gendered and colonial conception of war that has concrete consequences on how the matter is addressed.
In the post-September 11th world international terrorism is synonymous with catastrophic violence and unprecedented threats to states. International terrorist groups, by their structure, makeup as non-state actors, logistical mechanisms and resources are inherently unpredictable. As we have seen in the bombing of Madrid and the ongoing violence in Iraq, terrorist groups have expanded beyond national boundaries and therefore have an unparalleled ability to strike globally. The common impression of the phenomenon of international terrorism is that it is ‘more dangerous or at least more difficult to counter’[2]than conventional, often nationalistic and politically-motivated, terrorism.
Huntington’s Macro Clash of Civilizations has not manifested, and does not look likely to manifest itself in the near future.
Constructivism as an approach to International Political Theory is not a homogeneous or unified entity. More so than many other approaches it has great rifts between its individual theorists. This paper will focus mostly on the constructivism outlined by Wendt and, towards the end of of the paper, will briefly contrast it with that of Kratochwil.
While effective at ensuring the survival of organizations that use such methods, there is scant evidence to support the idea that terrorism achieves political objectives.
India and Pakistan’s differing political trajectories are not due to individual factors such as religion but a blend: history, identity, leadership, security, and international actors.
The violence in Beslan was more complex than a purely religion-based attack by Islamic extremists: it was also rooted in the Russian-Chechen wars and dramatic recollections of them.
This paper will show that the implementation of ballistic missile defence systems is a threat to international peace and security. It will examine of the concept of ballistic missile defence, the cases for and against its implementation and the current realities that are of consideration and its role in international peace and security.
The aim of this essay is to analyse the reasoning behind Martin Wight’s fears that International Relations, as an academic subject, does not contain a sufficiently large enough philosophical background, which he may have feared prevented the study of the subject from being taken seriously, and also, prevented IR as a discipline from sufficiently framing the philosophical nature of interactions that nation-states undertake on the international arena.
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