Sub-Saharan Africa has failed to see solid improvements in poverty indicators. Less money spent on measuring poverty and more spent working to reduce it could be the way to progress.
Whether international institutions can promote and achieve a more peaceful world is a question that is being examined more and more in the study of international relations. Literature about this issue has further developed over the last 50 years, as the world has seen the rise of new international organizations and the integration of old ones.
The fallout from the 1994 Rwandan genocide would always be complex and littered with historical, ethnic and political issues and efforts to find closure through the judicial process is inherently problematic. The failure to address the grievances of all ethnic groups will continue to hinder changes for a lasting national identity.
Hardt and Negri’s ‘Empire’ is heralded as the most successful work of political theory to come from the left for a generation.
For Hardt and Negri, the modern forces of globalization, transnational capital, and the world market have led to the deterioration of the sovereignty the nation-state, which has been replaced by a supranational force, ‘Empire’.
Independence from the Soviet Union has led to both similarities and differences in the reinvention of national identities in Belarus and Ukraine. Belarusian identity is still within its infancy due to the strong Russian influences and the active role of the Belarusian government to prevent the rise of civil society organizations. In contrast, Ukrainian identity has developed sufficiently enough to separate itself from Russia.
Many of the recent uprisings in the Middle East have been in reaction to political systems and traditions which can be traced back to the colonial period. This is very much the case with the protests against Confessionalism in Lebanon. Although colonial rule has ended, its legacy continues in contemporary Middle Eastern politics.
The process of enlargement has been accompanied by a vigorous debate, both within academic and executive circles, especially during the 1990s.
The general consensus in the literature and the media is that the US is losing the ‘war on drugs’. Rates of consumption in the US have remained roughly the same over the last ten years and the drug trade remains a multi-billion dollar industry run by a complex international network.
The increasing use of sanctions as an instrument of coercion in the international system has been noted with alarm by academics and humanitarian agencies alike. Despite observations that they ‘do not work’ (Pape, 1997) and cause intolerable human suffering (Gordon, 1999) sanctions have become the ‘standard reaction to a crisis’ (Mayall, 1984: 631). It appears that policymakers continue to view them as an appropriate tool for coercion in international politics despite their highlighted deficiencies.
In any foreign policy crisis, leaders have two options: to use violence to end the conflict or to pursue a diplomatic resolution, and certain variables will influence the actor’s decision.
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