Shashank Joshi’s comprehensive analysis of Iran’s nuclear orientation contends that the West must employ the strategies of ‘compellence’ and ‘denial’ to influence Iran’s nuclear policies.
National space programs are tools states leverage for a variety of purposes, not expressions of an apolitical human urge to explore. Like nuclear weapons, crewed spaceflight programs remain widely perceived as a signifier of great power status.
A U.S.-Iran rapprochement, though unlikely, could reduce Israeli-Iranian tensions and even potentially see Iran become a positive force in negotiations over a two-state solution.
The principled position of the Non-Aligned Movement on non-proliferation could be used productively to contain Iran’s nuclear weapons ambitions if this state does indeed have any.
The one problem that prevents an end to the Israel-Palestine issue is the willingness of leaders to take the chance of compromise to get something which is better than nothing.
A nuclear-armed Iran could create a military catastrophe for the region, potentially demanding a militarized response from neighbors. However, it is not without opportunity for resolution.
If the Syrians manage to build a free future of their own, it will almost undoubtedly be one without Assad, rendering Iran the great loser both of the war and of the potential peace.
Confusion over Iran’s nuclear ambitions is generated by the apparent inconsistency of the leadership’s political rhetoric, which shapes the country’s approach to foreign policy.
The Non-Aligned do not seem to agree on the writing of international relations that assign them the role of a passive agent, and it is precisely from that locus of enunciation that they are posing a geopolitical challenge.
China’s dedication to securing its own naval power has now entered a totally new realm, and those of us who measure capabilities must now reevaluate China’s place in the international system.
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