The ‘postpositivist’ challenge to the ‘empiricist-positivist’ orthodoxy is often considered to be international theory’s ‘Third Great Debate’. This essay investigates whether a new consensus might provide an unproblematic ‘resolution’ to the debate, or if it might (re)create practices which do violence to those silenced.
Each time genocide occurs, the world cries out ‘never again’. So why does no one stop these atrocities once they begin? Why are they simply ignored until they “resolve” themselves? This essay will be seeking to answer why the humanitarian intervention failed to prevent the genocide in Rwanda. It will focus on three main possible reasons why the intervention failed.
This work will point out that although maybe not wholly applicable, the truism that ‘one person’s terrorist is another person’s freedom fighter’ is useful in some respect, as it draws attention to important issues that have to be considered when attempting to define the concept of terrorism.
The religious story of Latin America under Hispanic rule has long been one of Catholic religious hegemony and dominance. This essay explores the role of the progressive Catholic Church with the end of authoritarian rule in Latin America. It assesses the role that the rise of Pentecostalism played in this decline.
The word neo-Ottomanism has never been used at the official level and, as one can be pretty certain, will never be openly heard from a Turkish official, unless perhaps by a Freudian slip. Nevertheless neo-Ottomanism is acquiring widespread usage and hence altered the basic tone of the Turkish foreign policy.
To consider the CCP’s treatment of its ethnic minorities, one must recognise that the relationships between those in central authority and those isolated in the peripheries are constantly in flux, with each side’s actions incessantly influencing and constraining the others’ future moves. This paper considers arguments that posit successes and mistakes in the CCP’s treatment towards its ethnic minorities.
The theory of hegemonic stability does not explain the failure of the interwar and the success of the post-1945 international economic orders. Domestic influences upon international monetary cooperation in major states were a crucial determining factor in the global economic stability or lack thereof in the interwar and post-WWII periods.
It is not an exaggeration to claim that since the presidential election in June 2009, the ship of the Islamic Republic has been cruising in uncharted waters. The repercussions of the election have not only proved to be politically costly but have fundamentally jeopardised the very survival of the Islamic State.
Many of the important factors that contributed to making the Iranian revolution successful some thirty years ago are not present today. Yet it is clear that Iran’s leadership has neither the wisdom nor flexibility to respond to the grave domestic challenge it faces. They are obsessed with fear of foreign enemies. When matters grow worse, they apply heavier doses of the same prescription that was dished out by the Pahlavi regime, in the last days of their reign.
The Soviet intervention in Afghanistan was a costly and, ultimately, pointless war. However, exactly why the Red Army wound up in direct military conflict, embroiled in a bitter and complicated civil war—some 3,000 kilometres away from Moscow—is a point of historiographical uncertainty. Little known and appreciated for its significance, the Soviet-Afghan War was one of the turning points of the late Cold War.
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